ISS: Chad’s illegal drug trade contributes to regional insecurity

Written by ISSAfrica
25/08/2020 – On 24 July, a court in Chad sentenced ten people including high-ranking security and intelligence officials as part of a transnational tramadol trafficking cabal. Tramadol is a synthetic opiate and anti-inflammatory medication.

Although not a first, this case is unprecedented in its scope and involvement of senior officials. In January 2020, a shipment of 246 boxes (about 47kg) of tramadol, worth XAF12.3 billion (around €18.8 million), coming from India via Douala, Cameroon, and bound for Libya, was seized by Chadian customs.

Chad is positioned south of Libya, on the eastern edge of the Sahel and Lake Chad, west of Sudan and north of the Central African Republic (CAR). There’s latent conflict in the CAR, Boko Haram in the west, intensifying community conflicts on the border with Sudan and various armed gangs, and a volatile situation in southern Libya.

This complexly insecure environment makes it a lucrative market for contraband. Apart from tramadol, other smuggling activities involve arms, other types of drugs (particularly hashish), stolen vehicles and humans.

Even with prominent members of the network behind bars, fighting drug trafficking will be long and arduous.

Considering possible connections between trafficking and insecurity in the country and the neighbourhood, trafficking must be curbed to prevent entrepreneurs of violence and insecurity (armed gangs, highway robbers, highway criminals and violent extremist groups) in Chad from creating destabilising interdependencies.

With one of the trafficking routes into Chad, the Cotonou road, now under surveillance, traffickers have changed routes and are increasing the scale of their operations. The corridor from northern Chad to Libya also sees other types of insecurity and illicit activities including armed gangs, organised crime and smuggling, despite a state security presence. This could become an alternative route for trafficking into and from Chad. It’s a huge desert area that’s impossible to completely control and is well known to traffickers.

Due to its proximity to Libya, northern Chad has suffered the full impact of the Libyan conflict for almost a decade. The conflict in Libya has made it a corridor for various types of trafficking. This area also often escapes effective state control.

Even before the Libyan civil war, northern Chad had been the object of Chad-Libyan contestation (1978-1987). The discovery of gold deposits there has accentuated conflict and insecurity dynamics by attracting actors from different backgrounds, including armed gangs eager to profit from the illicit exploitation and trafficking of this resource.

In other contexts, entrepreneurs of insecurity and violence take advantage of illicit activities to strengthen logistical, operational and financial bases and enhance their resilience to state responses. In 2017, the United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime also warned of the extent of tramadol trafficking in the Sahel and its use by non-state armed groups.

In July 2019, two senior officials of Chad’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs were arrested for tramadol trafficking from India via Cotonou, Benin. Beninese authorities apprehended the escort with the cargo. The Chadian senior officials involved tried to have him released on the pretext that the cargo was destined for the Chadian national army. The senior officials were tried and imprisoned in Chad and the escort in Benin.

Chad is cited as one of the most corrupt countries in Africa.

A corollary to trafficking is often corruption of administrative authorities. Indeed the huge sums of money involved deepen mistrust in Chad, which is cited as one of the most corrupt countries in Africa. The tramadol trial has set a precedent, but much remains to be done to clean up the system once and for all.

It is important to continue the work to restore the integrity of the security and intelligence environment, from agents using their positions to organise the trafficking, to strengthen the capacity of the judiciary to better track down and try traffickers.

The National Agency for Financial Investigation (ANIF) and the Task Force on Money Laundering in Central Africa (GABAC) should also be asked to track systems through which money gained from the illicit drug trade is being laundered in Chad’s economy and regionally. Asset forfeiture of those involved in trafficking could be effective in this regard.

Finally, the international scope of trafficking raises the need for transnational cooperation involving not only Chad’s neighbours (Cameroon, Nigeria, Niger, Libya, Sudan and the CAR), but also the countries that serve as corridors for this trafficking, particularly Benin, to curb it. An intergovernmental institution such as Interpol, but also existing regional mechanisms such as ANIF and GABAC, should be reinforced to facilitate this cooperation.

Written by Remadji Hoinathy, Senior Researcher, ISS Regional Office for West Africa, the Sahel and the Lake Chad Basin. Republished with permission from ISS Africa. The original article can be found here.

 
Sahel-Elite (Bamako-Mali)

Rwanda peacekeepers committed to protecting civilians in CAR despite attack

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Bangladesh Air Force sends Mi-171 helicopters to Central African Republic

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Turkey extends troops deployment in #Mali, CAR

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Russ-Afrique? Russia, France, and the Central African Republic

24/08/2019 – The French government has been taking a balanced and often supportive diplomatic and economic approach to Russia in recent years, so Moscow should logically be trying to cement good relations with Paris amidst current tensions with the West. Yet since 2017, in the Central African Republic (CAR)—a poverty-stricken, violence-ridden country with enduring ties to France where neither the USSR nor Russia ever played much of a role—Russia has targeted France in what Moscow portrays as a geopolitical competition. This memo describes the situation and explores the variety of motives that Moscow might have for challenging France in CAR, even though no definitive explanation is possible with the currently available evidence.  Continuer à lire … « Russ-Afrique? Russia, France, and the Central African Republic »

Ukrainian Security Service: Russian private military company Wagner active in Syria and Sudan

The Security Service of Ukraine (SBU) has published documents belonging to mercenaries from the Private Military Company (PMC) Wagner which confirm that it is a secret detachment of Russia’s Main Intelligence Directorate (GRU).

“Russia continues to lie shamelessly, trying to justify its crimes committed throughout the world. The Kremlin doesn’t stop ‘shouting’ that its GRU armed divisions are not protecting dictator regimes in Sudan and Syria, and were not involved in the killing of journalists in the Central African Republic, who were trying to shed light on their ‘classified’ activity,” the SBU said in a statement on its official website.

On 25 January the SBU published materials which it claims prove that Russian mercenaries and weapons are being sent to Sudan and other countries in the region in Russian military aircraft commissioned by LLC M Invest, a company belonging to Yevgeny Prigozhin, also known as “Putin’s Chef”. Furthermore, it was through M Invest that tickets were booked for these flights by Russia’s 223rd Flight Unit for “passengers” – PMC Wagner employees.

“Between August and December 2018, Tu-154M aircraft (tail numbers RA-85041 and RA-85155) were used transfer 1,012 ‘they-are-not-theres’ (soldiers whose presence Russia denies) to Sudan, the Central African Republic and other African countries on a rotation basis. Today, the SBU possesses their tickets, serial and passport information,” the SBU stated.

The SBU also published the first list of 149 people who had been directly involved in suppressing democratic protests in Sudan at the start of 2019.

“An analysis of the passport data of more than 1,000 PMC Wagner employees attests that the overwhelming majority of the Russian mercenaries’ documents were made in a centralized manner in Moscow by a division of Russia’s Federal Migration Service, which also issued cover-up documents for the GRU officers “Petrov” and “Boshirov” who carried out the chemical attack in Salisbury, England. The passport numbers of several hundred ‘Wagnerites’ also differ only by the last digits. The series and number of the PMC Wagner mercenaries’ passports, as well as the place they were made, once again confirm that it is a secret detachment of GRU freelance killers. All that remains is to hear from Russian officials exactly which ‘steeple’ they were visiting in Sudan or the Central African Republic,” said SBU chief Vasyl Hrytsak.

The SBU also established that citizens of other countries – Belarus, Moldova and the Russia-backed Donetsk and Luhansk “People’s Republics” – have been sent as part of the PMC Wagner’s African rotations.

“In addition, the available information attests to a targeted recruitment for the Sudan « business trip » of Ukrainian traitors from among the inhabitants of temporarily occupied Crimea, who have received Russian citizenship as a reward for collaborating with the Russian aggressor. It has also been established that one of the ways the PMC Wagner is replenished is through the Russian intelligence service recruiting the close relatives of Russian mercenaries. Overall, the SBU has documented more than 112 people for whom the « Russian blood business » has become a family business,” the SBU said.

The SBU says that more than 90% of the African mercenary contingent also took part in military aggression against Ukraine between 2014 and 2015, most notably in the assaults on the Luhansk airport and the city of Debaltseve.

According to the SBU, Russia has also been working since 2018 to establish its own naval logistics point in Sudan with the help of former Ukrainian naval officers who defected to the Russian occupiers in the spring of 2014 and are now serving in the Russian Navy’s Black Sea Fleet.

PMC Wagner has been linked to the Russian restaurant tycoon Yevgeny Prigozhin, who also owns one of Russia’s largest media holdings which evolved from the “Troll Factory”.

© 2019 UAWire

Sahel-Elite Photo: Russian mercenaries

How Russia is growing its strategic influence in Africa

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There was a strong Russian influence in Africa during the heyday of the Soviet Union. The post-independence governments of Angola, Mozambique, Guinea-Bissau, Democratic Republic of Congo, Egypt, Somalia, Ethiopia, Uganda and Benin at some point all received diplomatic or military support from the Soviet Union. Continuer à lire … « How Russia is growing its strategic influence in Africa »

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France hits out at Putin over NEW plot – ‘Africa does NOT belong to Russia’ #Uranium

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Mali – Turkey extends troops deployment in Mali, CAR

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